Fascism's post-modern ally

Fascism is not a popular ethical choice in modern society. Britain’s cultural mythology is inextricably linked to fighting it in its most ascendant form. All countries of Europe bear its scars. Yet there is little doubt that, at least in Europe, the far-right and fascism are making a comeback.

The accession of Bulgaria and Romania to the EU in January provided enough far right MEPs to form the first far right group within the EU parliament. Under the banner Identity, Tradition and Sovereignty they describe themselves as anti-immigration, anti-EU constitution (though there they are not alone) and anti-the incorporation of Turkey into the EU. Yet although the two countries provided the six MPs to form the block, they were merely reinforcing a fourteen member contingent of far-right MPs from Western Europe, including former UKIP MEP – now independent – Ashley Mote. Most of the rest come from Belgium’s Flemish Interest Party (3) and France’s National Front (7), supplemented by an Austrian and two Italians, one of whom is Mussolini’s granddaughter. Its worth noting that the two populations who have had most brutal brush with home-grown fascism, the Germans and the Spanish, don’t send the far right to the EU, though they certainly have their own problems with them.

Yet it is not just far-right parties that indicate fascist leanings in European society. Those who complain of our government’s authoritarian trend appear more vindicated week by week. Government policy on asylum seekers provides ample evidence of a nationalist turn. Though probably pandering to extremists rather than actually converting to them, British politicians help legitimise the far-right every time they hint that our ‘way of life’ is under threat. Phantom enemies at the gates have been pounced on by fascism in the past, whether they use communists or asylum seekers makes little difference.

Things are probably worse the further east you go: Poland has an anti-semitic authoritarian government with identical twins for a President and Prime Minister. When the murdered Russian dissident journalist Anna Politkovskaya wrote in February 2003 that “Fascism is in fashion”, she wasn’t just referring to the 20,000 young people belonging to fascist or racist organisations in her home city of St Petersburg. Her murder suggests that the nationalist ruling party, United Russia, have interests worryingly close to that of the far-right and that neither the authoritarian government, nor the fascist organisations have refined their tactics very much.

The rise of fascism in Eastern Europe poses a slightly lesser conundrum than in the west. Economic deprivation and the breakdown of prior political structures clearly played a part in the rise of Fascism in the 30s. These are factors extremely relevant to the post communist countries, even in Russia which, despite its enormous natural resources and rapid recovery after the 1998 economic meltdown, still has millions of its citizens living in abject poverty, clearly disaffected with the advent of democracy and the particular brand of freedom the collapse of Communism has given them.

However the National Front’s prominence in France, Britain’s own contribution to the far-right with the BNP and others and the far-right around Western Europe, have thrived in recent years, despite a lack of the classic precursors of economic breakdown and hardship.

What then is driving sizeable chunks of the populations of relatively successful, developed countries into the arms of such organisations? Some have looked to globalisation and the increasing impotence of individuals in a multiplex world. Politics no longer challenges the status quo and it may be that it is now apathy, not hardship, that is promoting extremism. Whether or not this is the case, apathy certainly plays into the hands of the far-right, it has often found its supporters amongst the most aggrieved in society (though not often its leaders). When those of us with little to complain about don’t show an interest, the stage is left to those who do.

Apathy cannot be the whole story however, particularly if you link Europe’s growing far-right with reactionary extremism around the world. Islamic fundamentalism in the forms the west is so concerned with bears striking resemblance to European fascism. Though they oppose each other, they do so for pretty similar reasons. Cultural superiority, anti-globalisation and violent political action are cornerstones of both approaches to hating the ‘other’.

As a wider global phenomenon, right-wing extremism suggests an explanation at once both appealing and frightening. Post-modernism is the buzz word of our era. The modernism of the twentieth century gave us a global hegemony, a stable and entrenched political system that makes the ideology that formed it increasingly irrelevant. We are now united in one goal - progress. Yet progress is not as neutral as those who champion it may represent. That there are many left behind by it is well documented. That there are many who are disillusioned with it is obvious. To see far right extremism as a post-modern rejection of established concepts of the good is to hope for change, yet fear those who might end up changing it.

For those who see a global system that is unjust, there is a need for a radical option. Fascism has always offered, indeed has succeeded by offering, such an option. Yet if those prepared to fight for change are embracing it then we have to ask ourselves why? Why, when we are told that ideology should no longer dominate the future of the people of the world, are so many embracing the ideological views that gave us the worst ideological driven brutality we have ever seen? It’s a question with no definitive answer, one which will ironically be based on your own ideological perspective. But it does have to be asked. Otherwise, when they come for you, no one will speak out, not because there’s no one left, but because there aren’t any reasons left to get off the couch.

Student