November 16, 2011
After the Greek debt crisis, Europe may be headed for its next nightmare
The nightmare scenario would also be a 1930s-style victory for political extremism. Fascism, Nazism and communism were children of a backlash against globalization that had been building since the end of the 19th century, feeding on the anxieties of groups that felt disenfranchised and threatened by expanding market forces and cosmopolitan elites.
Free trade and the gold standard had required downplaying domestic priorities such as social reform, nation-building, and cultural reassertion. Economic crisis and the failure of international cooperation undermined not only globalization, but also the elites that upheld the existing order.
As my Harvard colleague Jeff Frieden has written, this paved the path for two distinct forms of extremism. Faced with the choice between equity and economic integration, communists chose radical social reform and economic self-sufficiency. Faced with the choice between national assertion and globalism, fascists, Nazis and nationalists chose nation-building.
Fortunately, fascism, communism and other forms of autocratic ideologies are passé today. But similar tensions between economic integration and local politics have long been simmering. Europe’s single market has taken shape much faster than Europe’s political community has; economic integration has leaped ahead of political integration.
The result is that mounting concerns about the erosion of economic security, social stability and cultural identity could not be handled through mainstream political channels. National political structures became too constrained to offer effective remedies, while European institutions still remain too weak to command allegiance.
It is the extreme right that has benefited most from the centrists’ failure. In Finland, the heretofore unknown True Finn party capitalized on the resentment around eurozone bailouts to finish a close third in April’s general election. In the Netherlands, Geert Wilders’ Party for Freedom wields enough power to play kingmaker; without its support, the minority liberal government would likely collapse. In France, the National Front, which finished second in the 2002 presidential election, has been revitalized under Marine Le Pen.
Nor is the backlash confined to eurozone members. Elsewhere in Scandinavia, the Sweden Democrats, a party with neo-Nazi roots, entered parliament last year with nearly 6 percent of the popular vote. In Britain, one recent poll indicated that as many as two-thirds of Conservatives want Britain to leave the European Union.
Political movements of the extreme right have traditionally fed on anti-immigration sentiment. But the Greek, Irish, Portuguese and other bailouts, together with the euro’s troubles, have given them fresh ammunition. Their Euro-skepticism certainly appears to be vindicated by events. When Marine Le Pen was recently asked if she would unilaterally withdraw from the euro, she replied confidently, “When I am president, in a few months’ time, the eurozone probably won’t exist.”
As in the 1930s, the failure of international cooperation has compounded centrist politicians’ inability to respond adequately to their domestic constituents’ economic, social, and cultural demands. The European project and the eurozone have set the terms of debate to such an extent that, with the eurozone in tatters, these elites’ legitimacy will receive an even more serious blow than it already has.
Europe’s centrist politicians have committed themselves to a strategy of “more Europe” that is too rapid to ease local anxieties, yet not rapid enough to create a real Europe-wide political community. They have stuck for far too long to an intermediate path that is unstable and beset by tensions. By holding on to a vision of Europe that has proven unviable, Europe’s centrist elites are endangering the idea of a unified Europe itself.
Economically, the least bad option is to ensure that the inevitable defaults and departures from the eurozone are carried out in as orderly and coordinated a fashion as possible. Politically, too, a similar reality check is needed. What the current crisis demands is an explicit reorientation away from external financial obligations and austerity to domestic preoccupations and aspirations. Just as healthy domestic economies are the best guarantor of an open world economy, healthy domestic polities are the best guarantor of a stable international order.
The challenge is to develop a new political narrative emphasizing national interests and values without overtones of nativism and xenophobia. If centrist elites do not prove themselves up to the task, those of the far right will gladly fill the vacuum, minus the moderation.
That is why outgoing Greek Prime Minister George Papandreou had the right idea with his aborted call for a referendum. That move was a belated attempt to recognize the primacy of domestic politics, even if investors viewed it, in the words of a Financial Times editor, as “playing with fire.” Scrapping the referendum simply postpones the day of reckoning and raises the ultimate costs to be paid by Greece’s new leadership.
Today, the question is no longer whether politics will become more populist and less internationalist; it is whether the consequences of that shift can be managed without turning ugly. In Europe’s politics, as in its economics, it seems there are no good options – only less bad ones.
Dani Rodrik, Professor of International Political Economy at Harvard University, is the author of “The Globalization Paradox: Democracy and the Future of the World Economy.” THE DAILY STAR publishes this commentary in collaboration with Project Syndicate © (www.project-syndicate.org).
(Lebanon) Daily Star
November 03, 2011
Far-right extremism is much more than a political irritant
What causes violent radicalisation, and how effective is the government's current approach to countering this threat? These questions are the focus of a home affairs committee on the roots of violent radicalisation, which has set out to examine the factors that lead some citizens toward terrorism and will inform the next iteration of the Prevent strategy.
In some ways, my invitation to give evidence was unexpected. I have spent much of the past decade researching what leads citizens toward the far right: a type of extremism that appears nonviolent when set against al-Qaida or "AQ"-inspired terrorism. I've also become accustomed to ministers, policymakers and other academics dismissing the far right as too weak and disorganised to mount a major security threat.
I have also long argued that our current approach to tackling extremism has focused too heavily on only one form of extremism, and that policymakers and security services should take far-right extremism more seriously. Despite the collapse of the British National party (BNP), there are three reasons why the government should devote more energy to understanding and challenging this political trend.
The first concerns the wider social and economic environment. Across Europe, conditions remain ripe for the far right. Large numbers of citizens remain deeply concerned about immigration, feel anxious about the cultural compatibility of Muslims, and are threatened by rising diversity. In fact, in recent years the Brits have become equally if not more concerned about these issues than many of their European neighbours. These voters are also extremely dissatisfied with the response of the main parties to such trends. The financial crisis has certainly added to this perfect storm, but far-right supporters were pessimistic about their economic prospects long before the collapse of the Lehman Brothers. The key issue is how to respond to voters' profound anxiety about this issue.
This not simply affecting older generations. Far from a passing fad, the potential for far-right extremists is reflected in the demographics of their support. Last year in Austria, the Freedom party was the most popular party among those aged under 30, while today almost three-quarters of English Defence League (EDL) members are in the same age bracket. These findings point toward a clear conclusions: the far right is connecting with a new generation.
The second concerns the potential for violence. Movements such as the BNP and EDL might not pursue overtly violent goals like AQ-inspired terrorists, but the wider subculture in which they are embedded is characterised by a culture of violence, which cultivates a set of narratives among supporters that would justify its use under certain conditions: it tells them that they and their loved ones are under threat from minority groups; that they will soon be involved in a race war; and that urgent and radical action is required to save them from racial extinction. The line between nonviolent protest and violence has already been crossed by "lone wolves" such as Anders Behring Breivik and, in the UK, affiliates of the Aryan Strike Force (ASF), Racial Volunteer Force (RVF) and the BNP.
The third concerns our current understanding of this challenge. As the previous Prevent strategy conceded, our knowledge of the far right is much less developed than our understanding of AQ-inspired terrorism. The good news is that we do now know a lot more about what leads some citizens into the far right. This year alone has seen new research on the BNP, members of the English Defence League and populist extremism across Europe. But the evidence base remains inadequate: we know next to nothing about how those voters compare with far-right violent extremists, or the factors that lead citizens toward one form of activity as opposed to the other.
The simply reality of post-9/11 politics is that we have focused almost exclusively on tackling only one form of extremism. In the aftermath of New York and the attacks in Bali, Madrid and London, the emphasis on tackling al-Qaida marked a logical response to the priorities of national security. Today, however, the landscape has changed. We need to adopt a more holistic approach to challenging extremism and sharpen our understanding of its different branches. Most importantly, we need to overhaul the traditional view of the far right that claims this movement is nothing more than a minor political irritant.
Comment is free
August 12, 2011
Extremism in the UK
James Silver examines far right extremism in the UK and reports from some areas with large Muslim populations where fears of 'Islamisation' are fuelling tensions between communities. We hear of the targeting of gay men in East London, as well as attacks on a mosque in Luton.
Is there a disenfranchised minority who feel they have no political voice and are now looking to networks like the English Defence League? And are the EDL right to suggest that the threat of anti-Muslim terrorism in the UK could grow?
Listen now (Radio 4)
BBC
February 20, 2011
Strength of multiculturalism
We started our lives in Highfields where lived too Christians, Afro-Carribeans, Muslims, Hindus, Sikhs and Bangladeshis. When we started looking for a house for ourselves across East Park Road, we were told by the white house owners that they cannot sell their house because our food smells of garlic; we have different culture and our white neighbours do not like Asians and coloured people. These sort of remarks gave us the shock of our lives.
When I used to tell them that I was a teacher in a Grammar School, they would say: "Really".
St Peter's Church Vicar, Rev Carlile, involved me in Leicester Voluntary Community Relations Council. At those times, there was no Hindu Mandir, no Gurdwara and no Mosque.
The first Islamic centre started at St Peter's Road, the first gurdwara opened at New Walk and Hindu mandir started at Weymouth Street. White population Christians started visiting these Asian religious places of worship and people like us from different faiths began to be invited by different organisations to give a talk to them about our religions, cultures, customs, traditions etc.
A new awakening about understanding each other sprang up in the city and the county.
Then came 1972. In spite of Leicester City Council's efforts to discourage the Ugandan Asians from coming to Leicester, they came in thousands and started their businesses in the Belgrave-Melton Road areas. The Gujarati community brought better understanding, multiculturalism, wealth and respect to all the Asians, the blacks and the whites and brought them nearer to each other.
Indian, Italian, Irish, Polish, Pakistani, Bangladeshi and Punjabi restaurants opened their door for the white population and they were not put off anymore from the garlic smell.
BBC Radio started Asian programme "Milan" with me which later on became 6.0 Five Show in English and is now Asian Network. People from all faiths started respecting each other's faiths and cultures. More and more gurdwaras, mandirs and mosques have come in our city. They are all co-existing next to each other along with the churches and synagogues.
People of different faiths and cultures are neighbours of each other. Our state schools are teaching all the major religions, having Christian worship and school assemblies very amicably. All the children and their parents have accepted the multi-faith teaching gladly. Hence multiculturalism is a great success in Leicester.
In 1979, my wife and myself were invited to Her Majesty's Garden Party and there we were introduced to the late Queen Mother.
Her sweet and memorable words are still ringing in my ears.
She said: "Great Britain is like a garden with beautiful flowers of different colours. For thousands of years, people of different cultures, faiths and backgrounds have been coming to this land and have contributed to the enrichment of British culture which is a mix of so many cultures. I welcome you both to this country and your contribute to the enrichment of our culture with your Asian values."
This is multiculturalism, where people do follow their own faiths and live their own lives like good neighbours. All of us also have common values, the common laws of the land, common language, common citizenship and one country and loyalty to one head of the State — Her Majesty the Queen.
We all are united against extremism, killing of innocent people in our cities.
We proved beyond any doubt on October 8, 2010 when gathering around the Clock Tower in solidarity against the EDL march and again on October 10 when the people of all faiths, colours and backgrounds showed their unity. It was the strength of multiculturalism on show.
Letter from Kartar Singh Sandhu to the Leicester Mercury
Thanks to NewsHound for the heads-up
January 20, 2011
Lady Warsi claims Islamophobia is now socially acceptable in Britain
Islamophobia has "passed the dinner-table test" and become widely socially acceptable in Britain, according to Lady Warsi, the Conservative chairman.
Warsi, the first Muslim woman to attend Cabinet, is expected to use a speech at Leicester University today to raise the alarm over the way in which she believes prejudice against Muslims is now seen by many Britons as normal. She will also warn against the tendency to divide Muslims between "moderates" and "extremists", which she contends can fuel misunderstanding and intolerance.
Warsi is expected to say that terrorist offences committed by a small number of Muslims should not be used to condemn all who follow Islam. But she will also urge Muslim communities to be clearer about their rejection of those who resort to violent extremism.
"Those who commit criminal acts of terrorism in our country need to be dealt with not just by the full force of the law," she will say. "They also should face social rejection and alienation across society and their acts must not be used as an opportunity to tar all Muslims."
On the matter of portraying Muslims as either "moderate" or "extreme", she will say: "It's not a big leap of imagination to predict where the talk of 'moderate' Muslims leads; in the factory, where they've just hired a Muslim worker, the boss says to his employees: 'Not to worry, he's only fairly Muslim'.
"In the school, the kids say: 'The family next door are Muslim but they're not too bad'. And in the road, as a woman walks past wearing a burqa, the passers-by think: 'That woman's either oppressed or is making a political statement'."
The peer will also blame "the patronising, superficial way faith is discussed in certain quarters, including the media" for making Britain a less tolerant place for believers.
Warsi raised the issue of Islamophobia with Pope Benedict XVI during his visit to Britain last year, urging him to "create a better understanding between Europe and its Muslim citizens", according to extracts of the speech obtained by the Daily Telegraph.
Guardian
April 21, 2010
Nick Clegg attacks 'evil, vile' BNP
The Lib Dems had been "devastatingly successful at beating the BNP back" and he highlighted Burnley Borough Council as an example, which he said was now run by his party.
In an interview with the BBC Asian Network, Mr Clegg was asked about the BNP and how to counter its support among some communities in Britain. He said: "I feel really strongly about this. The BNP is an evil, vile, fascist organisation. We, the Liberal Democrats, have been devastatingly successful at beating the BNP back. Remember a few years ago when everyone said that Burnley was going to be the first BNP town? Look now, it is now run by the Liberal Democrats."
Asked how mainstream politicians stopped people voting BNP, he said: "First, of course, you explain to them that the BNP are a vile organisation. But you say something much more powerful, which is that they are useless, utterly useless. I'll tell you why they are useless because hate, which is all the BNP peddles, doesn't create a single job, doesn't build a single affordable home, doesn't solve a single crime. If you want help for you, for yourself, for your family, for your parents, for your grandparents, for your street, for your community, the BNP is useless."
Mr Clegg said the way to counter extremism in the UK was to confront it.
"There are people in politics, in religion, who have views that I really don't like, but you have got to engage with them," he said.
And the Lib Dem leader said that his separation from his three young sons, stranded with his in-laws because of the flights ban, was affecting him. Antonio, eight, Alberto, five, and one-year-old Miguel are in Olmedo, one-and-a-half hours north of Madrid, and may have to be driven home.
"It is really starting to get at me, because they are very small and I miss them terribly," he said.
Independent
March 31, 2010
English Teabaggers: The EDL vs “COMMUNISM!!!!”
The EDL know that unions have a part to play to protect workers’ rights, to ensure that employees are treated fairly in the workplace. However it would seem that these unions have become more powerful, more influential and more militant in the political sphere, this is where vested interests infringe upon a democratic political platform, so much so that democracy seems to be ebbing away right before our eyes and its replacement………COMMUNISM!!!!Lenin’s Tomb and Barrykade suggest that this is the organisation’s “true colours”, and this is shows that the EDL has an agenda beyond simply opposing “Islamic extremism” – attention is drawn to the fact that the EDL has a millionaire businessman sugar-daddy.
Great Britain doesn’t do Communism, it never has, yet Communists are afforded more influence and more power as the Labour party look to fund its upcoming election campaign.
There are, though, a couple of other factors: It’s clear that the EDL would rather people support parties such as UKIP or the English Democrats over mainstream parties, and Labour’s association with the Unite union is a topical knocking-point. Perhaps we are also seeing the importing of rhetoric from the USA, where the crudest 1950s-style anti-Communist posturing has enjoyed a renewed lease of life over the past year or so. I recently noted Pamela Geller’s reference to Obama as the “mad Commie clown”, and this kind of thing is now commonplace among the “teabaggers” – Geller has written posts commending the EDL to American conservatives, and the EDL in turn has directed traffic to her site.
More widely, Communist groups have shown up at Unite Against Fascism anti-EDL events waving around hammer-and-sickle iconography, and the Trotskyist SWP looms large within the UAF. Naturally, just as the UAF denounces the EDL of having semi-hidden far-right links (a subject I have also written on), so the EDL will point to the UAF’s far-left links, as a matter of tit-for-tat. There are also, of course, actual links between far-left groups and Islamists.
Meanwhile, EDL members are also planning a rally on a “Not Compatible with Britain” theme, attacking the BNP along with neo-Nazis and Communists. Anarchists don’t get off lightly, either…
Bartholomew's Notes on Religion
March 14, 2010
BNP fights extremism strategy
British National Party leaders were under fire yesterday after it emerged that they were plotting to "derail" a government programme aimed at quashing violent extremism throughout the UK. A leaked email to BNP councillors revealed that the party is running a secret campaign to destabilise the Prevent strategy, set up three years ago to tackle "the specific problem of a small minority of young Muslims being attracted to violent groups".
The Home Office strategy, originally called "Preventing Violent Extremism", pledged £45m for local initiatives designed to coax youngsters away from "individuals preaching hatred and violence in the name of Islam" and integrate them into their communities. However, it was "rebranded" last year to take in wider issues, including the threat from political extremism, following complaints that the programme stigmatised the Muslim community. Councils have now been ordered to establish their own Prevent strategies to combat extremism in their areas.
The Secretary of State for Communities, John Denham, said: "At the current time, the greatest terrorist threat remains that from al-Qa'ida-linked violent extremism. At the same time, we also need to tackle other potential support for violent extremism, including that from racist and fascist groups."
The BNP has complained that the modified strategy is now allowing councils to target the party and it members – and it has enlisted its councillors in an attempt to undermine the strategy. In a councillors' bulletin last month, the BNP councillor liaison officer, James North, told colleagues: "Due to complaints that [Prevent] was picking on Muslims they widened it out to include all extremism and implied that they were also targeting right-wing extremism. In some areas they focus their energy on areas where we are active – eg target wards.
"If you have any knowledge of a Prevent strategy in your area could you please send information back, so we can build a more widespread picture of areas that are affected and then we can get local groups active to derail it before it takes hold."
Mr North said yesterday that the BNP wanted to "derail attempts by the Labour regime to link the BNP to right-wing violent extremists". He added: "The email asks BNP councillors for details of all Prevent attempts to link the BNP to extremists so that the BNP can take measures to circumvent these false allegations and smears." But the anti-fascist organisation Searchlight called on the BNP to explain why it was trying to destabilise a government policy.
"This project protects the public from terrorists and violent extremists," a Searchlight spokesman said. "The fact that the BNP is trying to undermine it speaks volumes about its organisation and its membership. If it is a truly peaceful and democratic organisation, what is it afraid of?"
IoS
January 28, 2010
Media and politicians 'fuel rise in hate crimes against Muslims'
A rise in the number of hate crimes against Muslims in London is being encouraged by mainstream politicians and sections of the media, a study written by a former Scotland Yard counter-terrorism officer, published yesterday, says.
Attacks ranging from death threats and murder to persistent low-level assaults, such as spitting and name-calling, are in part whipped up by extremists and sections of mainstream society, the study says. The document – from the University of Exeter's European Muslim research centre – was written by Dr Jonathan Githens-Mazer and former special branch detective Dr Robert Lambert.
"The report provides prima facie and empirical evidence to demonstrate that assailants of Muslims are invariably motivated by a negative view of Muslims they have acquired from either mainstream or extremist nationalist reports or commentaries in the media," it says.
Lambert headed Scotland Yard's Muslim contact unit, which helped improve relations between the police and Britain's Islamic communities. The unit won praise from even long-standing critics of the police, and Lambert was awarded an MBE. The study mentions no newspapers or writers by name, but alleges that the book Londonistan, by the Mail writer Melanie Phillips, played a part in triggering hate crimes.
"Islamophobic, negative and unwarranted portrayals of Muslim London as Londonistan and Muslim Londoners as terrorists, sympathisers and subversives in sections of the media appear to provide the motivation for a significant number of anti-Muslim hate crimes," it says.
In his foreword, the rightwing journalist Peter Oborne writes: "The constant assault on Muslims from certain politicians, and above all in the mainstream media, has created an atmosphere where hate crimes, ranging from casual abuse to arson and even murder, are bound to occur and are even in a sense encouraged by mainstream society."
The report is based on interviews with witnesses to and victims of hate crimes, as well as police officers and former members of extremist organisations such as the British National Party. The report cites interviews with rightwing extremists to try to prove a link between what is published in the mainstream media and the anti-Muslim views held by extremists.
It says: "An experienced BNP activist in London explains that he believes that most BNP supporters simply followed the lead set by their favourite tabloid commentators that they read every day. When these commentators singled out Muslims as threats to security and social cohesion, he says that it was perfectly natural for BNP supporters to adopt the same thinking."
The report says the extreme right are directing their violence more against Muslims than black or Asian Britons.
"Interviewees with long experience of extremist nationalist street violence in London are unequivocal in their assessment that Muslim Londoners are now a prime target for serious violence and intimidation in the way that Londoners from minority ethnic communities once were," it says.
"Similarly, interviewees with experience of London street gangs that have no connection or affinity with extremist nationalist politics are adamant that Muslims have become prime targets for serious attacks. In addition, well-informed interviewees are clear that the main perpetrators of low-level anti-Muslim hate crimes are not gangs but rather simply individuals from a wide range of backgrounds who feel licensed to abuse, assault and intimidate Muslims in terms that mirror elements of mainstream media and political comment that became commonplace during the last decade."
The report says the attacks come in part from street gangs targeting Muslims as punishment for members who have embraced Islam and left gang culture.
"Often, they know someone who has left their scene and become a devout Muslim," the document, which also drew on interviews with youth workers dealing with gangs, says. "That is like a defection. And whether they do or don't, they say they know this or that terrorist who used to be a great person till he joined the Muslims."
The report also says gang members believe Muslims values "oppose everything these kids aspire to. Flash cars, nightclubs, expensive clothes, jewellery, drugs, alcohol, casual sex, glamour, dancing, music ...".
The study says the majority of hate crimes involve low-level incidents and are not reported to police. Most officers are committed to tackling anti-Muslim hate crimes seriously, but are undermined by a few colleagues who are not. But the study warns: "Anti-Muslim hate crimes have not been afforded the same priority attention [that] government and police have invested in racist hate crimes."
The report is dedicated to Yasir Abdelmouttalib, a PhD student who was left brain-damaged after a gang of youths attacked him in London, striking him over the head with a stick, as he made his way to a mosque while wearing Islamic clothing.
It cites other cases of rightwing extremists preparing hate campaigns and of serious attacks on Muslims in Britain.
These included: "Neil Lewington, a violent extremist nationalist convicted in July 2009 of a bomb plot; Terence Gavan, a violent extremist nationalist convicted in January 2010 of manufacturing nail bombs and other explosives, firearms and weapons; a gang attack in November 2009 on Muslim students at City University; the murder in September 2009 of Muslim pensioner, Ikram Syed ul-Haq; a serious assault in August 2007 on the Imam at London Central Mosque; and an arson attack in June 2009 on Greenwich Islamic Centre."
The study focuses on anti-Muslim violence in London, with its authors saying they will produce one covering the whole of the UK by this summer.
Guardian
December 08, 2009
Racism among white supremacists is getting worse, John Denham to warn
Anti- BNP demonstrators protest against the appearance ofBNP leader Nick Griffin at the BBC Centre in London in October
John Denham, the Communities secretary, will give warning that Muslims are not the only group which can breed extremism. Pointing to recent convictions of white supremacists, and a broader rise in overt racism, Mr Denham will say: “It is important that local Muslim communities do not feel that are being singled out if other forms of extremism are a threat in the area”.
The Home Office has already been developing a new programme, called Channel, to support young people who at risk of being drawn into white racist violence. But speaking in Birmingham today, Mr Denham will unveil a new £5million fund to deal with the spectre of rising white racism. He will say that every local area country should, where necessary, have a comprehensive strategy for tackling all forms of extremism, including, particularly white racist extremism.
The warning comes amid growing evidence of racial tension against ethic minorities by whites. Last month it was claimed that white supremacist gangs with names like The Aryan Brotherhood were building up support in British jails.
In September a neo-fascist dubbed the 'tennis ball bomber’ was jailed indefinitely at the Old Bailey today for plotting a terrorist campaign for white supremacy. In August, an American white supremacist was stopped from entering the country to attend a British National Party festival in Derbyshire, after the UK Border Agency said it believed his presence could stir up racial tension.
The BBC also came under fire in October for giving a platform to Nick Griffin, the BNP leader, on the BBC television’s panel show Questiontime.
The cash announced by Mr Denham today will be in addition to the Home Office’s Prevent strategy which targets extremism among Muslim communities through local councils, schools, community groups and police. The Communities Secretary will tell a conference of 1,000 Prevent workers to “completely reject accusations that Prevent is spying on Muslim communities” and insist that the strategy can only work if it is supported by local Muslim groups.
He will say: “Any programme that is surrounded by suspicion or misunderstanding simply will not work. Despite the significant progress and achievements that have been made in the first year of the programme, controversy, criticism and lack of clarity have unnecessarily limited its effectiveness."
Telegraph
November 08, 2009
Job losses as Holocaust Centre faces cash crisis
Up to nine redundancies will be made at the Holocaust Centre in Nottinghamshire in a bid to alleviate its financial crisisThe memorial and educational centre founded by non-Jewish brothers Stephen and James Smith 14 years ago needs to slash its annual budget from £800,000 to £500,000 and activities such as professional training could be axed. It intends to focus its resources on educating the young — 22,000 primary and secondary pupils visit the centre every year.
Short-term financial support has been provided by the Pears Foundation and the centre has launched an urgent appeal for a further £170,000 to cover the expected shortfall in next year’s budget.
Earlier this year, Stephen Smith took the job as director of Steven Spielberg’s Shoah Foundation in California. James Smith, who has remained, says the centre has struggled to make ends meet in recent years.
“We were doing OK for the first decade but for the last four years it has been hand to mouth. We are attracting more children and have more professional staff so the costs have gone up and we have just not been able to bridge that extra funding. The financial situation in the last year hasn’t helped and there have been donations we were expecting that didn’t come.”
The stark choice had been closure or a radical restructuring of operations. “We have had to slim down hugely and that means cutting staff and other activities.”
It was particularly disheartening as “there has never been a more important time to tackle extremism. When we should be ramping up the work, we’re cutting back”.
JC
Note: The Holocaust Centre website is here. You can donate here.
August 12, 2009
Sensationalism is a gift to extremists
On Saturday 8 August a much-touted demonstration in Birmingham turned into a big brawl involving more than 100 people and pitched battles in the high street. In one corner a loose alliance of two groups – Casuals United and English Defence League – in the other, a counter-demonstration called by Unite Against Fascism.
The immediate background to this mass brawl was the protest against British soldiers by some Muslim extremists on 10 March. That was the spark that various far-right groups were looking for to pump up their rhetoric against Muslims. The National Front turned out a big demonstration in Luton on 13 April, which needed police reinforcements from London to control. Not long afterwards, the Luton mosque was fire-bombed.
On 24 May an even bigger demonstration was organised by the English and Welsh Defence League, which turned violent as some demonstrators went to destroy property in Muslim-heavy areas of Luton. There was a smaller protest against extremist Anjem Choudhary on 4 July, and then a big demonstration was organised for 8 August. There's more background here.
There is evidence that the English Defence League in particular was infiltrated by neo-Nazis and BNP supporters. On Stormfront, a popular website for fascists, scores of members urged to join the demonstrations on Saturday. Here is one participant's account.
One of its early organisers Chris Renton is a BNP supporter. Another, Paul Ray, who now says he has washed his hands of the EDL because of differences with Renton, admitted he was opposed to all Muslims practising their faith in Britain.
There are good reasons for minorities to worry, even though some from the EDL carried banners saying they were not racist. During the 4 July protest many participants chanted "Muslims out". As the UAF rightly says, the National Front organised demonstrations against black people in the 70s under the guise of "anti-mugging", and now it seems to be jumping on the "Islamic extremism" bandwagon for the same reason.
More protests are planned over the August bank holiday weekend and in Manchester city centre in early October. There are so many small but hardcore groups involved that I'd advise following Richard's blog for all that.
But there are a few broader points to make, too. I'm not going to condemn the need for minorities to defend themselves in the streets or fight against fascists if necessary. Our forebears fought them off in Southall and it remains as important as ever to keep our streets free from constant far-right intimidation. If the police don't do their job then people will step in to protect themselves.
But that doesn't mean extremist Muslims should be let off the hook. In 2004 the extremist group al-Muhajiroun, in all likelihood also behind the Luton anti-soldiers demonstration, had planned a rally in London where Hindus and Sikhs would be openly converted to Islam. They nearly caused a mini-riot then because Sikh gangs and BNP members had also planned to show up.
Anjem Choudhary carried out a similar stunt recently by apparently converting an 11-year-old boy to Islam. Al-Muhajiroun has always been a small but highly vocal group, which seeks publicity for its stunts to polarise people. It is shunned by mosques across the country, but its stunts nevertheless inflame Hindu, Sikh and white groups thanks to incessant media coverage. Remember, only eight people were involved in the anti-soldiers march in a town with more than 25,000 Muslims, and yet they got front-page coverage.
So here are the choices: the group could be banned for activities on a par with the National Front (it keeps changing its name, the latest being Islam4UK). The police could also become more proactive against extremist groups, and stop local councils giving them any space.
And lastly, Muslim groups themselves need to step up campaigning against these extremists or they will continue making life more difficult for them. More like this, basically.
Britons also need to get re-acquainted with our tradition of free speech and expression, even if it involves people of different skin colour and religion saying outrageous things.
The police and intelligence services also need to start taking far-right extremism in the UK more seriously. To that extent the recent announcements by minister John Denham are most welcome.
But the real people to blame for these riots are the journalists willing to run inflammatory headlines – playing straight into the hands of extremists on both sides. Anjem Choudhary remains a constantly invited figure, even on the BBC, because he offers them entertainment. People are being sucked into a game of sensationalism, which contributed to the mass-brawl on Saturday. It's time for people to stop being taken for mugs.
Comment is free
April 23, 2009
Campaigners call for tighter regulation of Facebook racists
Facebook has become a breeding ground for racists and far-right extremists, according to immigrant leaders and anti-racism campaigners, who believe the site's owners are not doing enough to clamp down on cyberhate.
More than 200 million people around the world belong to the social networking site, which attracts thousands of new members every day. The site is used by its members to communicate, swap photographs and set up groups of like-minded people, many of which are overtly political.
But campaigners fear racists are increasingly setting up their own groups to promote a visceral hatred of foreigners and immigrants and say more needs to be done to police online racism.
The Federation of Poles in Great Britain has become so disturbed by some of the content online that it has written a letter to Facebook's owner Mark Zuckerburg, calling on him to close down an anti-Polish group where one member said Polish people should be thrown "down the well".
Jan Mokrzycki, a spokesman for the federation, which was created after the Second World War to support the Polish community in Britain, said: "Generally we try not to react against every inflammatory gesture against Polish people, but the language within the website was so rude and racist that we felt like we had no choice."
He added: "I recognise that you can't stop every racist website out there, but I would like to think that a supposedly respectable site like Facebook would have better checks and controls on what gets put on their site."
Right-wing extremists have often used the relatively unregulated world of the internet to spread their message by creating their own websites which are often registered abroad. But their activity on social networking sites has given them a much more mainstream presence.
The sheer size of Facebook's online community makes monitoring extremists difficult. But a number of groups calling on Britain to throw out, and even kill, foreign nationals have been operating freely for months.
A group called "People hate Pakis" boasts more than 80 members and claims to have been set up by "rebels" from Bradford, where inter-racial tension remains a major problem. A second group calling itself "Get all the Paki's [sic] out of England" has more than 140 members, many of whom use racist language which is illegal under laws prohibiting incitement to racial hatred.
Dennis MacShane, the Labour MP for Rotherham whose father fled Poland before the Nazi invasion and fought for Britain during the Second World War, said social networking sites had allowed racists to talk openly without fear of reprisals.
"The way you defeat extremism, intolerance, prejudice and racism is to atomise it and make people feel that even if they think racist thoughts they can't say it openly," he said. "But websites like Facebook have unfortunately allowed people to come together in one space and say, 'there are people out there like me'. That is something that worries me greatly. For all the good social networking sites do, they also allow people to express prejudice that in a civilised society should be kept under lock and key."
Facebook declined to comment yesterday. But in the past its founder Mr Zuckerburg has been reluctant to overly police his invention, which instead relies on users to report racist and offensive behaviour. Under the website's terms and conditions, posts which are "abusive, vulgar, hateful or racially and ethnically objectionable" are banned but in reality very little content is moderated.
Searchlight, the anti-racism group which monitors far-right extremism on the web, said websites should do more to monitor overtly racist content.
"It is vital that in those instances where there is clear evidence of hate mail being distributed, [that] internet service providers act firmly and swiftly to shut them down," said a spokesman. "We cannot allow cyberspace to become a hideout for the peddlers of hate."
Independent
January 26, 2009
The biggest anti-fascist campaign ever
Over the next few months Searchlight and its HOPE not hate campaign will be gearing up to prevent the BNP from winning seats in the European elections. We anticipate mobilising thousands of activists and delivering over 2 million leaflets and newspapers in what will be the biggest and most intense anti-fascist campaign in history.
And it is needed. The BNP poses a threat in six Euro regions, with as little as 7.5% required in the North West, where the party leader, Nick Griffin, is standing. With Ukip faltering, few local elections and the economy hurtling into recession, we will need everyone who opposes the BNP's message of hate to play a part. A BNP victory will change the political landscape in Britain.
The last few years have seen the British National Party make significant electoral gains across the length and breadth of the political landscape – often off the radar of the political and media class at Westminster, which has remained preoccupied with a very small part of the electoral map that decides Westminster elections: so-called middle Britain.
Quietly but steadily the BNP has been building its support. While many commentators have focused on its traditional heartlands in the Lancashire and Yorkshire mill towns, the BNP has been widening its base across the country. In 2007 the BNP stood 742 council candidates, averaging 14.7% of the vote. Last year they averaged 13.9% in 642 wards. The regional average vote is fairly consistent across the country.
The critical element to this palpable support for the BNP is that it has occurred against the backdrop of extraordinarily benign macroeconomic conditions. Well over a decade of continuous quarter-on-quarter growth, low interest rates, falling unemployment and general prosperity have obscured the economic and cultural issues the BNP has focused on. It has tapped into a deep sense of alienation among many who have not prospered in the good times, a corresponding fracture of working class identity, and indeed demonisation in popular culture – all refracted through the prism of race.
On 15 September last year, when Lehman Brothers went for Chapter 11 bankruptcy in the US, the world changed. More specifically the world changed in terms of the climate within which the BNP is seeking to gain political traction. Any cursory reading of history suggests that recession and depression breed extremism; everything else being equal, the BNP will expect to benefit from the suffering and the insecurities that will intensify over the coming months and years.
Jon Cruddas and Nick Lowles
Comment is Free
April 21, 2008
Kick out the BNP for good, says David Lammy
A poison in politics, spreading hatred and division. In the London elections, the BNP needs only five per cent of the vote to get a seat on the Assembly, eight per cent gets them two seats and 11 per cent means three.
The BNP threatens the progress this country has since I was growing up in the 1980s. Our proud history is of opposition to extremism.
In the 1960s my parents, like many others, came to Britain to rebuild homes, to drive trains and buses, or - like my mother - to staff the NHS. This year, as the health service turns 60, I lost my mother to cancer. What will become of her legacy of dedicated service to others, if bigots are elected? Are we really going to let the BNP have a say in our towns and cities today?
We are kicking extremism off our football terraces and out of our shops and factories. Let's kick it out of politics too.
Daily Mirror
September 28, 2007
BNP thrives on hatred
The revelation that the British National Party (BNP) has identified Horley as its new outpost in the south east comes when local anger towards over-development is at an all-time high.
Residents are no longer content to sit back and see their wide open spaces turned into massive developments and are prepared to fight any new plans for extra housing.
The BNP has obviously witnessed this growing anger and now believes it can garner support in this crucial region by criticising Labour's plans for more housing in the south east.
Despite the moderate talk, residents will hopefully be able to realise what the BNP really stands for and always has: a extremist right-wing party which thrives on racial prejudice and hatred.
When the BNP ran for a seat in the Merstham ward in local elections last May, it once again pushed policies which were important to local residents, including affordable housing, welfare and employment.
Its candidate, Peter Phillips, got thrashed and ended any likelihood of the BNP posing any future threat in that area.
Ultimately, the same should happen in Horley.
While Labour's plan for more housing in the south east may be controversial, it is still much more preferable than a party which thrives on hate.
August 28, 2007
Neo-Fascist Magyar Garda Is 'Hungary's Shame'
The founding ceremony for a new Hungarian neo-fascist group attracted a crowd of 3,000 people in Budapest on Saturday. The "Magyar Garda" or "Hungarian Guard" swore in 56 members -- kitted out in uniforms with Nazi-era symbols -- at Buda Castle, the historic seat of the Hungarian monarchy. "The Hungarian Guard has been set up in order to carry out the real change of regime (from communism) and to rescue Hungarians," Gabor Vona, leader of the far-right Jobbik party and co-founder of the guard, said at the event.
Prime Minister Ferenc Gyurcsany, leader of the Socialist Party, condemned the group and asked the country's chief prosecutor to closely monitor the group for any violations of the Hungarian constitution. He also described the founding of the guard as "Hungary's shame." At the ceremony on Saturday Vona was defiant: "Those who try to ban us want to ban all the Hungarian people and those who report us to the chief prosecutor are reporting the Hungarian people."
The Magyar Garda - "Magyar means "Hungarian" - has pledged to train its members in the use of firearms and its members wear a uniform of black pants and vests with white shirts, and a cap emblazoned with a medieval coat of arms, the Arpad Stripes. The striped, red and white symbol is a centuries old Hungarian banner, a version of which was used by the Arrow Cross, a pro-Nazi party that briefly ruled Hungary toward the end of World War II. The party murdered thousands of Jews and deported hundreds of thousands more to Nazi death camps. Jewish groups, including the World Jewish Congress, have condemned the founding of the new "guard" and have called on the government in Budapest to act against it.
The Magyar Guard is closely associated with Jobbik (Movement for a Better Hungary). Although the party has no deputies in parliament it does have representatives on dozens of city councils across the country. Members of the party were involved in anti-government riots last year following the leak of a tape on which Gyurcsany admitted he had lied about the economy.
The failure of the biggest center-right party, Fidesz, to condemn the Hungarian Guard has led to charges that it tacitly supports the extreme-right. Meanwhile, the participation of former Defense Minister Lajos Fur in the ceremony was condemned by his former party, the center-right Hungarian Democratic Forum, which led the country's first post-communist government in the early 1990s.
German papers on Monday voice their concerns about the founding of the Hungarian Guard and the rise of anti-Semitism and neo-fascism in Eastern Europe.
The conservative Die Welt writes:
"The founding of the Hungarian Guard is an alarming sign of sickness in a society, in which barriers to the glorification of violence, racism and intolerance are being torn down, and where there are increasing attempts to undermine the already weak institutions of democracy."
"The Hungarian Guard didn't just fall from the sky. It was founded by the far-right Jobbik ... a party that governs in some regions together with Fidesz, the biggest opposition party. It is no coincidence that a Fidesz representative made a speech at the founding ceremony on Saturday, that the defense minister from the first free government swore an oath, and that flags from associations linked to the Catholic and protestant churches were flown."
"This is the nucleus of a racist paramilitary army. With its declaration that it will train its members to use weapons it is openly challenging the state's monopoly of force."
"The European Union shares some of the blame. It has to have been aware of the developments in Hungary. But it seems that the standards for the democracies in the former Socialist countries are different to those for Western member states. How else can one explain the fact that Franco Frattini, EU Commissioner for justice, freedom and security, criticizes stable democracies like Denmark, France and Germany for the supposed virulent racism there, but doesn't criticize the events in Hungary?"
The left-wing Die Tageszeitung writes:
"The fall of the communist regimes in Central and Eastern Europe left an ideological vacuum ... A seething ideological mix came to the fore in many countries, made up of anti-Semitic and racist stereotypes, nationalist prejudices and elements such as militant anti-communism, revisionist ambitions and a vengeful fundamentalism."
"The founding of the Hungarian Guard ... should be a warning to those who still believe that the danger from right-wing extremism is the invention of sensitive journalists, left-wing politicians and critical intellectuals. Hungary had a good image in the West even before 1990, which was in part due to skilful lobbying. That is why the Western public studiously overlooked the nationalist lapses under the Fidesz government of Viktor Orban just as it overlooks the dangerous spread of racism and anti-Semitism in Hungary."
"The fact that Fidesz is the only party in the democratic spectrum that has so far refused to distance itself from the Hungarian Guard is a cause for concern."
The center-left Süddeutsche Zeitung writes:
"The founding of the Hungarian Guard in Budapest is no isolated phenomenon in the new EU member states. Elsewhere in Eastern Europe new paramilitary and skinhead groups are constantly being formed. It would be a big mistake to dismiss these as neo-fascist marginal groups that can somehow be dealt with. In the background there is a broad social consensus acting as a mobilizing factor."
"After the end of the Cold War the post-communist society was suddenly confronted with the phenomenon that we call globalization. West European companies pushed into the East European market and contributed to the creation of a savage capitalism. The local and underdeveloped interest groups were unable to put up any resistance ... At the same time the preparations for EU integration were pushed through ... It is little wonder that many experienced globalization as an invasion or siege, and integration as dictates, colonization or at best the simple exchange of the East (Soviet Union) for the West (European Union). Many people now see themselves in the role of the victim."
"Much time has been wasted. Since the fall of the Berlin Wall a new generation has grown up that is not really democratically socialized ... Most are captives of ethnically defined national and cultural concepts, feel their ethnic homogeny is being threatened and are now mobilizing for the battle to defend it."
"It is often said that democracy cannot be imported. The current need for harmony in the EU is preventing democratization and only benefits those who want to sweep the problems under the carpet."
Spiegel
April 27, 2007
Is 'Christian nation' rhetoric aiding the far-right?
During the last European elections, I was taking part in a BBC phone-in on political extremism when the BNP's press officer called the programme. Not only was the BNP a Christian party, he claimed, but the institutional church had let the country down. His party would defend British culture because churches had failed to do so.
Since then there have been two noticeable changes. First, the BNP has stepped up its religious rhetoric. In recent local elections, the party's literature included copies of the controversial Mohammed cartoons. It also helped establish a 'Christian Council of Britain'. The goal is apparently to appeal to those in the population who identify with Christianity, but feel panicked both by 'liberal secularism' and the growth of Islam.
At the same time, leading figures within the Church of England have also become far more vocal in their calls to stem the tide of secularism, and to defend the predominant 'Christian culture' of Britain. The uncomfortable fact is that this puts the Church into the position of arguing the same political point about national identity as the BNP.
Of course the rationales of these messages are very different. The agenda behind the BNP's claims is essentially a cultural one - partly in opposition to an alleged liberal elite, and partly in an attempt to whip up fear of minority faiths. In contrast, few would question the commitment of the Church of England to combating racism. But the time has come to face the fact that when it uses 'Christian nation' rhetoric, it risks encouraging support for right-wing extremists.
It may be no coincidence that it has been the Church's two most senior black leaders, Archbishop Sentamu and Bishop Nazir Ali, who have made the most prominent pronouncements against 'the secular tide'. The Church must surely be aware of the dangers of its arguments. But it is doubtful that this will limit the damage, with the BNP also now claiming (no doubt disingenuously) some non-white members.
These problems look likely to get more uncomfortable. The BNP now has 47 councillors in the UK, and church schools could face BNP representatives appointed to their governing bodies. Local authorities, after all, have a duty to nominate some governors from different local political parties. If this happens, they may find these representatives wholeheartedly endorsing the admissions policies that many church schools run, favouring Christians over others in local communities, as a strategy for encouraging social division.
But the terrain is changing. A recent Tearfund survey found that just 53% of the population identified in some way with Christianity. That is a colossal drop compared to the last national census, when 72% did so.
This is tough news for a Church that wants to rely on 'cultural capital'. But there is another way. Instead of adopting a defensive stance which pleases those seeking to make political capital out of civic 'de-Christianization', the Church has an opportunity to refocus on the vocation of Jesus - which means costly discipleship, not cultural dominance.
It is easy to make a claim to speak for the sentiments of an, albeit dwindling, majority of the population. It is far harder to mount a practical stand for justice, and base one's political authority on the quality of one's actions in the here and now. But in an increasingly religiously plural society, it will be the quality of contemporary political witness, not appeals to a bygone age, which will sort the sheep from the old goats.
Ekklesia
April 19, 2007
Party suspends BNP row councillor
Daniel Brown, the candidate whose nomination he signed, is one of his rivals in the North Road ward.
The local party said Mr Jones made a mistake but the Tories have called on Sir Menzies Campbell to sack him. Edward Davey, chief of staff to leader Sir Menzies, said: "The Liberal Democrat Party in no way endorses and indeed repudiates the policy platform of the British National Party, whose views we find repugnant in every aspect. At all levels of the party our aim is to defeat the invidious philosophy of the BNP and to campaign actively against them. We will investigate the circumstances of this case immediately and thoroughly."
Mr Jones' local party said the councillor had assured them he had no sympathies with the far-right BNP. He quit as the leader of the group following an emergency meeting last night to discuss the issue.
In a statement, the local party said: "Councillor Jones made an error of judgment in signing the nomination papers of an opposition candidate.
'No excuse'
"In view of his unfortunate mistake, Councillor Jones has resigned as Leader of the Liberal Democrat Group but will continue to seek re-election as a Liberal Democrat based on his record of service to North Road Ward."
The Tories said there was no need for any investigation and demanded Sir Menzies sack Mr Jones immediately. Party chairman Francis Maude said there could be no excuse for a mainstream political party promoting extremism and racism.
He said: "The evidence is there for all to see; Menzies Campbell must get off the fence and sack Steve Jones. He must send a clear message to the rest of his Party that racism will not be tolerated by expelling this councillor from the Liberal Democrats."
BBC
April 13, 2007
Use votes to keep BNP out
Back in 2004, the BNP made little impact but Cllr Feldman is not being complacent despite the Alwoodley ward not being classed as 'at risk'. Cllr Feldman said: "The BNP tries to give the impression that it has changed its spots and no longer is a racist party. The Jewish community remembers well its past history and is not taken in by this deception. It is necessary for the members of the Jewish community to do their duty and vote for the democratic party which meets their interests."
Aside from the Alwoodley ward other Jewish councillors facing BNP opposition are Labour candidate Alex Sobel (Roundhay), UK Independence Party candidate Jeff Miles (Moortown) and Liberal Democrat candidate Sadie Fisher (Killingbeck Seacroft).
Mr Sobel has fought against the BNP in Leeds and throughout the country for a decade. He said: "I am saddened that they have been able to stand a candidate right in the heart of North East Leeds. I hope the community in Roundhay and throughout Leeds gets out and votes so that they can make no further gains."
Sue Dorsey, Leeds Jewish Representative Council, president added: "News that 33 BNP candidates are standing in the Leeds local elections must be of the great concern to the whole Jewish community. There is no room in British Society for racism and prejudice. The Jewish people have suffered so much throughout the ages, but we now have the power of the vote, which we must all use in May. The equation is simple, every vote for a mainstream party means one less vote for the BNP."
In a worrying trend the British National Party has announced a record number of candidates - 880 as opposed to only 363 last year and a mere 53, 10 years ago. In the Yorkshire and Humberside area BNP is fielding 183 candidates including 33 in Leeds, 17 in Bradford, 16 in Harrogate, 10 in York, seven in Sheffield and three in Hull.
Last May, the British National Party claimed one seat in Leeds.
Cllr Mark Harris (Liberal Democrat) said: "The fact that the BNP are standing in every ward ought to tell us exactly what is going on. This is not flash in the pan stuff. They are confidently starting to use the democratic process to get what they want."
Cllr Keith Wakefield (Labour) said: "We do not want the BNP's form of poison and extremism in our city. People need to be aware that the BNP may now dress in smart suits and wear ties but the message of hatred is still the same."
Cllr Andrew Carter (Conservative) said: "It is a wake up call to all the major parties, particularly nationally. The threat of the BNP must be resisted and exposed for what it is."
Commenting on BNP growth nationally, Board of Deputies president Henry Grunwald said: "This development demonstrates once again the danger of complacency when it comes to the far right. Holocaust denial and Jewish conspiracy theories remain core elements of the BNP's ideology. Any gains in the party's popularity damage society as a whole by stirring up tensions between communities and undermining the values of tolerance that have allowed the Jewish community, and other minorities, to flourish in Britain. Most importantly, this is a wake up call for us to work with other communities in making sure that we get out the vote to oppose the BNP."
Jewish Telegraph (Leeds)